The Transitionary Period, 1946-52: Some Reflections
By Dr. Priyadarshni M. Gangte.
Monarchy was the form of governance before 1947 in Manipur with the written Constitution “Loyumba Shilyen” or “Loiyamba Shinyen” since “Meidingu Loyamba” (Loiyamba) who reigned in the 11th Century A.D. in 1074 – 1112 A.D1. Administration of this small kingdom had been carried out by a system of representations, of course, not exactly like Legislative Assembly or Council of Ministers of contemporary times, however, under constitutional monarch till 1891 when Manipur was kept under the British Paramountcy.
It was the “Ningthou Pongba Tara”, (the ten regional chieftains) and (“Phamdou Humphumari”, nobles selected by the monarch to represent 32 divisions of the kingdom, two members each from every divisions), was, in fact resembling modern parliament5. Thus, these two categories of noblemen assisted the king by advising and guiding in order to regulate the administration effectively at different points of time by different kings. Legacy of Manipur was horizontal as well as vertical according to time and situation. In the pre-colonial times the “Phamdou Humphumari” played a great role in maintaining stability and upholding, inter alia, the socio cultural ties among the inhabitants who were different communities.
In this regard, Roy emphatically contended that the institution of monarchy contended that the institution of monarchy in Manipur successfully played its historical role in two ways : viz one in maintaining the stability of the society by effectively working its influence due to its descent from legendary Pakhangba and Babrubahan through religious sentiment, of the people of the valley and other by the direct personal allegiance of all subjects towards the monarch (Roy’s claiming of decency from Babrubahan is perhaps seems to be an exaggerations therefore it needs to further research). However, with consolidation of British administration in Manipur drove a wedge in the unity by dividing the political authority separately for the hills and valley, and, as a matter of the fact, i.e. divide and rule policy, the Manipuris have been facing the ethnic crisis even today. divide between Hills and Valley.
Democratic terms like Legislative Assembly or Legislative Council was not incepted at all. The Manipuris influenced by the Civil Disobedience Movement started by Mahatma Gandhi in British India, started agitation for the establishment Government in Manipur since 1939. The Manipur State Congress, a branch of the INC supported the proposal and the Maharaja accepted it, and formed a constitution – making committee named as the Manipur State Constitution Making Committee of whose Chairman was Mr. F.F. Pearson, POS (Indian Political Service) the then President of the Darbar. The Committee framed the Constitution known as the Manipur Constitution Act which was brought into force in 1948. Meanwhile a Council of Ministers also known as His Highness Maharaja in Council with a Chief Minister was constituted by the Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh before the conduction of elections to the Legislative Assembly after dissolving the Manipur State Darbar on 30 June, 1947 before the Indian independence. Thus, as for Manipur after 1891, she ceased to be a sovereign power and a era of colonialism continued till 1947.
The Council of Ministers were composed of (1) Mr. F.F. Pearson, I.P.S.(Chief Minister); (2) Maharajkumar Priyobrata Singh (MK. P.B. Singh); (3) Shri Sougaijam Somorendra Singh, (4) Shri Sanjenbam Nodiachand Singh (5) Waikhom Chaoba Singh and (6) Moulavi Qazi Md. Walimullah. (No.2-6 were all Ministers). However, it did not last long, the Maharaja dissolved the Council on 13 August, 1947 and an Interim Council was brought into existence at 7.15 a.m. of 14th August, 1947. The period of “His Highness Maharaja in Council” lasted for a period only one and half month, i.e. 1st July, 1947 – 13th August, 1947.
The Interim Manipur Council initially consisted of 6(six) Ministers – (1) Shri Konjengbam Gouro Singh (Education and Press), (2) Moulavi Basiruddin Ahmed (Jail, Medical and Public Works); (3) Shri Sinam Krishnamohon Singh (Finance, Commerce, Forest, Agriculture & Veterinary); (4) Rajkumar Bhubonsana Singh (Revenue); (5) Maharajkumar Priyobrata Singh (Chief Minister). Soon after two hillmen – (i) Mr. T.C. Tiankham (Forest) and (ii) Major Bob K. Khating (Hill affairs) were inducted.
The Legislative Assembly was unicameral. The members were elected for a term of three years. Adult franchise was the basis in the valley whereas in the hill, it was only the Chief who had the right to vote. It will be pertinent to know that how the election was held. Elections were held for 53 seats of which six were filled up without contest, five from the Hills and one from the Valley, i.e. Jiri Constituency. There were 192 (one hundred and ninety-two) candidates filed for candidature for the remaining 47 (forty-seven) seats.
Regarding politics in Manipur Hills 1946-52, Irawat was, in fact the first person who wanted to keep the integrity of Manipur, therefore, under his leadership, the Praja Sangha organised a joint meeting of the representatives of the political parties of the Hills and Valley of Manipur. The following organizations were represented in the meeting : (i)Tangkhul Long. (ii) Kuki National Assembly, (iii) Kabui Association, (iv) Khulmi Union, (v) Mizo Union, (vi) Manipur Praja Sabha, (vii) Manipuri Krishak Sabha, (viii) Meitei Marup and (ix) Nongpok Apunba Marup. This Conference demanded a full responsible government and decided to keep the territorial integrity of Manipur and formed a United Front of Manipur. It was, of course, a rare historical event of its kind where nine organizations belonging to different ethnic communities from hills and plain, held at Manipur Dramatic Union, on 30th November, 1947 presided by M.K. Shimray of Tangkhullong Irawat, rendering his speech, focused on the politics of the Naga National Council and its impacts on Manipur. Thus we notice the affirmative policy in Irawat’s political aspiration, i.e. to bring unity among the hill and plain peoples. Lamphel Singh of Meitei Marup, Ibomcha Singh and Kanhai Singh of Krishak Sabha, Lunneh of Kuki National Assembly and Kakhangai Kabui of Kabui Association gave speeches on the various socio-economic problem that the people of both the plain and the hill areas had been facing. The meeting realized genuine necessaries for forming a United Front of all the parties in the hills and plain and therefore, resolved to constitute an organizing committee with Irabot Singh as the President and M.K. Shimray as the Secretary. Since then, none of the political parties whether national or regional parties of Manipur, such as the Congress, the Socialist, the Praja Santi Sabha and the Krisak Sabha had interested to open their account in the hill areas, perhaps, due to orthodox Hinduism, an impact of cultural colonialisation, which was firmly entrenched in the valley. Thus different attitude shown towards the hill as well as valley people by their socio-political leaders also could easily seen, perhaps, out of cultural arrogance. When the Meiteis became the followers of Vaishnavism this historically given cultural arrogance, according the value system of the new faith, has been express in the framework of pollution parity relationship and has alienated the non-Hindu tribes. The tribes who have embraced Christianity, also have alienated themselves from the Meiteis. This social gap resulted from the mutual alienation became wider and wider with the metamorphosis of the colonial subjects into free citizens of independent India because political democratization has stimulated primordial sentiments. Therefore, specifically in the areas of Kuki dominance the Kuki National Assembly and the Mizo got political momentum for the time being. And, as a matter of fact, the national parties had no place in the tribal areas at all during this political phase of historical importance and significance.
It was during this period in the hills of Manipur socio-political organizations: such as the Kuki National Assembly (KNA) which later on converted into political party and finally to secessionist group and the Khulmi National Union (KNU) were also established; on 24th October, 1946 and 6th July, 1947 under the leaderships of Zavum Misao and Thangkhopau Kipgen and Teba Kilong and T.C. Tiankham. In fact, these two organizations became very active in shaping the political scenario in the Kuki dominated areas in Manipur. The Constituent member tribes of KNA were (i) Anal, (ii) Chiru; (iii) Gangte; (iv) Guite; (v) Hmar; (vi) Koireng; (vii) Kom; (viii)Monsang; (ix) Paite, (x) Simte; (xi) Thadou; (xii) Vaiphei and (xiii) Zou.
Not pleased with the Thadou dominancy and arrogance, the non Thadou ethnic grupos, searched for a more democratic pan tribal organisation as an alternative to KNA, as an outcome of the subject matter, a parallel body – the KNU, came into existence with its constituent tribes, namely : (i) Aimol; (ii) Anal, (iii) Baite; (iv) Chiru; (v) Doungel; (vi) Gangte; (vii) Hanghal; (viii) Khongsai (Lunkim, Changsan, Hlangum, Lengthang); (ix)Kom; (x)Manchong; (xi) Manlhun, (xii) Maring; (xiii) Mate; (xiv) Moyon; (xv) Paite; (xvi) Purum, (xvii)Saum; (xviii) Simte; (xix) Tarao; (xx) Vaiphei and (xxi) Zou. As a pan non-Naga tribal political organization KNU contested in 1948 election of Manipur State Assembly and seven of its member become victorious in the said election. The year 1947 also witnessed the birth of another association of non-Naga tribes, called the Kom Rem Association of which Kom, Aimol, Chiru, Koireng, Purum and Kharam were the member tribes. However, the idea of adopting this generic term did not last long as the Government of India did not recognized, creating an environment to the formation of splinter groups like the Hmar National Organization, the Tiddim Chin Union, the Baite National Government Council and the Mate Tribal Union due to the lack of mutual trust and a common ideology and also partly of arrogant, dominant attitude of the Thadous. Moreover, the southern part of Churachandpur District bordering Miroram was affected by the Mizo Union, formed on 11th April, 1946 at Aizawl, Mizoram movement. The Mizo Union was the first ever Regional Political Party established in the erstwhile Lushai Hills (now Mizoram) born on 9th April, 1946 at Lungleh in its adhoc basis uner the style of Mizo Common People’s Union. A branch of the same had opened in Manipur under the leaderships of L. Tawna and G.L. Daka as its President and Secretary. In 1948 this party was divided on the issue of merger of Hmar inhabited areas of Manipur with Lushai Hills (Mizoram) and the lone candidate of Mizo Union contested in the election was defeated.
The other regional political parties in the Hill areas of Manipur were also the Naga National League (NNL) formed in September, 1946 with its manifesto to bring all the Nagas under one Flag and the Naga Peoples League under the leadership of Athiko Daiho Mao. The party, in its public meeting held in 1948, at Song-Song, Mao in Manipur, decided to boycott the preparation of the electoral rolls for the ensuing elections to the Manipur State Legislative Assembly. The Kabui Samiti/Association as well as the Tangkhul Association, inter alia, had strong hands in formulating policies and programme of the Naga National League and the Naga Peoples League.
Thus, in 1948 election was conducted, in such a way, that each candidate was given one ballot box on which the symbol of the candidate and his photograph were displayed. As the masses were illiterate, the simplest, an easy method to indicate and signify was adopted. P.C. Deb (Revenue Officer) was the Returning Officer, 11 and 30 June in the valley and 26 and 27 July were periods of commencement and carried out successfully.
Declaration of result took some days, announcement of result were on 14 July (Valley) and 6 August (Hills). Out of the total number of 53 seats, there was only 52 elected members of the first Manipur Legislative Assembly, one seat of a hill constituency was not filled up. But, no party was able to obtain an absolute majority in this historic event. Relating to this, it will more clear to have the party-wise position as given by Gangmumei (i) State Congress 14(fourteen), (ii)Manipur Krishak Sabha-5(five), (iii) Socialist Party-3(three); (iv) Hill (Independents) – 18(eighteen), and (v) Praja Santi-12(twelve). Thus on 18 October, 1948, the elected members were sworn at the Palace Darbar Hall. Manipur had already conducted the democratic exercise in June 1948 under the Manipur Election Rules, more than three years ahead of the first election in India held in 1952. The Maharaja administered the oath, henceforth, coalition government of Praja Santi and the 18 Independent M.L.A’s from the Hills and Krishak Sabha was formed. The Raja made every effort to stabilize the Praja Shanti led Government.
It will be worthmentioning that these 18 MLAs from the hills joined the coalition government on the condition that the Deputy Speaker of the Assembly should be a tribal, secondly no part of Manipur should never be merged with any other State, thirdly the individuality of the State should be maintained at any cost. Subsequently the MLAs from the hill areas also insisted that if any neighbouring areas desire to join Manipur, it should welcome and be permitted to do so. Thus the political environment was in fact, smooth and healthy with all assurances and promises to, including responsible form of government with the Maharaja as its constitutional head made by the Council of Minister, was, however, did not last long.
A totally different political scenario developed in Manipur with the Maharaja signing the Merger Agreement with India on 21st September, 1949 and enforced in 15th October, 1949 along with Benaras and Tripura, Manipur became a part of the Indian Union under “Part-C” status by the enacted “Part-C”, Act to which everyone in Manipur felt extremely regretted and insulted. Resist and protest of all kinds erupted in the state, Joykumar emphatically maintained :
“The most significant epoch making development in the political history of Manipur was the movement for the merger of Manipur into the Indian Union.”
As a consequence, during the last part of 1949, the D.O.C. and the Red Guard undertook major organizational changes of which the latter i.e Red Guard became very active in the beginning of 1950. Thus, Manipur merged with the Indian Union as part-C state on January 22, 1950, then as a Territorial Council in 1956, and became a Union Territory in 1963. Obviously, these are the root causes of insurgency in Manipur.
In this regard, it is imperative to note the contention of Pillai (G.K. Pillai, former Union Home Secretary) on September 26, at a lecture titled “Manipur – the way forward” at Delhi:
“the ancient kingdom, which had a constitution even before India wrote her own, had its own proud history and was overnight turned into a C-category state in 1948”.
Instead of paying attention the Government of India constituted an Advisory Council consisting of the Chief Commissioner and fourteen others nominated by the Central Government in consultation with the Chief Commissioner. The Council was inaugurated on 9th October, 1950 consisting with (i) Sinam Krishnamohon Singh; (ii) H. Dwijamani Dev Sharma, (iii) Salam Tombi Singh, (iv) Dr. L. Kampu Gangte and (v) A. Daiho Mao. It was, however, “compelled to do so as the term “Part C” state meant that it had no popularly elected body and was ruled by a Chief Commissioner responsible directly to Delhi” contended by Guha.
Thus, political developments in the pre and post-merger period -the transitional phase from monarchy to democracy, produced a serious psychological effect on every sensitive educated youth of the State.